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Make an Enquiry. They are driving out or stripping power from election officials who refused to go along with the plot last November, aiming to replace them with exponents of the Big Lie. They are fine-tuning a legal argument that purports to allow state legislators to override the choice of the voters. By way of foundation for all the rest, Trump and his party have convinced a dauntingly large number of Americans that the essential workings of democracy are corrupt, that made-up claims of fraud are true, that only cheating can thwart their victory at the polls, that tyranny has usurped their government, and that violence is a legitimate response.
Unless biology intercedes, Donald Trump will seek and win the Republican nomination for president in The party is in his thrall. No opponent can break it and few will try.
Neither will a setback outside politics—indictment, say, or a disastrous turn in business—prevent Trump from running. If anything, it will redouble his will to power. As we near the anniversary of January 6, investigators are still unearthing the roots of the insurrection that sacked the Capitol and sent members of Congress fleeing for their lives. What we know already, and could not have known then, is that the chaos wrought on that day was integral to a coherent plan.
In retrospect, the insurrection takes on the aspect of rehearsal. Even in defeat, Trump has gained strength for a second attempt to seize office, should he need to, after the polls close on November 5, It may appear otherwise—after all, he no longer commands the executive branch, which he tried and mostly failed to enlist in his first coup attempt.
Yet the balance of power is shifting his way in arenas that matter more. Trump is successfully shaping the narrative of the insurrection in the only political ecosystem that matters to him. The immediate shock of the event, which briefly led some senior Republicans to break with him, has given way to a near-unanimous embrace. Today the few GOP dissenters are being cast out. From the November issue: Barton Gellman on the election that could break America.
Trump has reconquered his party by setting its base on fire. Tens of millions of Americans perceive their world through black clouds of his smoke. His deepest source of strength is the bitter grievance of Republican voters that they lost the White House, and are losing their country, to alien forces with no legitimate claim to power. This is not some transient or loosely committed population.
Trump has built the first American mass political movement in the past century that is ready to fight by any means necessary, including bloodshed, for its cause. Listen to an interview with William J. Walker, sergeant-at-arms of the U. House of Representatives, on The Experiment.
At the edge of the Capitol grounds, just west of the reflecting pool, a striking figure stands in spit-shined shoes and a button uniform coat.
He is 6 foot 4, 61 years old, with chiseled good looks and an aura of command that is undimmed by retirement. Once, according to the silver bars on his collar, he held the rank of captain in the New York Fire Department. He is not supposed to wear the old uniform at political events, but he pays that rule no mind today. The uniform tells the world that he is a man of substance, a man who has saved lives and held authority. Richard C. Patterson needs every shred of that authority for this occasion.
He has come to speak on behalf of an urgent cause. Patterson is talking about the men and women held on criminal charges after invading the Capitol on January 6. He does not at all approve of the word insurrection.
Patterson is misinformed on that latter point. Of the more than defendants, 78 are in custody when we speak. Most of those awaiting trial in jail are charged with serious crimes such as assault on a police officer, violence with a deadly weapon, conspiracy, or unlawful possession of firearms or explosives. McKellop has pleaded not guilty. Patterson was not in Washington on January 6, but he is fluent in the revisionist narratives spread by fabulists and trolls on social media.
He knows those stories verse by verse, the ones about January 6 and the ones about the election rigged against Trump. With a sufficient dose of truth serum, most Republican politicians would likely confess that Biden won in , but the great mass of lumpen Trumpers, who believe the Big Lie with unshakable force, oblige them to pretend otherwise. Like so many others, Patterson is doing his best to parse a torrential flow of political information, and he is failing. His failures leave him, nearly always, with the worldview expounded by Trump.
We fall into a long conversation in the sweltering heat, then continue it for weeks by phone and email. I want to plumb the depths of his beliefs, and understand what lies behind his commitment to them. The unarmed crowd did not overpower the officers in body armor. They were allowed in. Surely he has seen other video, though.
Shaky, handheld footage, taken by the rioters themselves, of police officers falling under blows from a baseball bat, a hockey stick, a fire extinguisher, a length of pipe.
Does Patterson know that January 6 was among the worst days for law-enforcement casualties since September 11, ? That at least officers from the Capitol Police and the Metropolitan Police Department suffered injuries , including broken bones, concussions, chemical burns, and a Taser-induced heart attack?
Patterson has not heard these things. Abruptly, he shifts gears. Maybe there was violence, but the patriots were not to blame. Doing the bidding of whom? I have no idea. You got to find him on Rumble.
They took him off YouTube. McInerney, 84, three decades gone from the Air Force. McInerney had just come from the White House, he says in his monologue, recorded two days after the Capitol riot. Trump was about to release the Pelosi evidence. McInerney had seen the laptop with his own eyes. It shook me that Patterson took this video for proof.
If my house had caught fire 10 years before, my life might have depended on his discernment and clarity of thought. He was an Eagle Scout. He earned a college degree. He keeps current on the news. And yet he has wandered off from the empirical world, placing his faith in fantastic tales that lack any basis in fact or explicable logic.
I reached the general by phone and asked about evidence for his claims. For most of his story, McInerney did not even claim to have proof. He was putting two and two together. It stood to reason. She was a home health aide, not a special operator.
As of this writing, she has not yet entered a plea. McInerney Jr. He was torn between conflicting obligations of filial loyalty, and took a while to figure out what he wanted to say. I tell all of this and more to Patterson. For a while during the Obama years he was a prominent birther and appeared a lot on Fox News, before being fired as a Fox commentator in for making a baseless claim about John McCain.
Last November, he told the WVW Broadcast Network that the CIA operated a computer-server farm in Germany that had helped rig the presidential vote for Biden, and that five Special Forces soldiers had just died trying to seize the evidence.
The Army and U. Special Operations Command put out dutiful statements that no such mission and no such casualties had taken place. There are seldom words or time enough to lay a conspiracy theory to rest. Each rebuttal is met with a fresh round of delusions. Patterson is admirably eager for a civil exchange of views.
But a deep rage seems to fuel his convictions. This motherfucker was stolen. The world knows this bumbling, senile, career corrupt fuck squatting in our White House did not get 81 million votes. He had many proofs. All he really needed, though, was arithmetic. Where do these 14 million votes come from? Patterson did not recall where he had heard those figures. He did not think he had read Gateway Pundit, which was the first site to advance the garbled statistics.
Reuters did a good job debunking the phony math , which got the total number of voters wrong. I was interested in something else: the worldview that guided Patterson through the statistics. It appeared to him incorrectly that not enough votes had been cast to account for the official results.
Biden was the one accused of rigging the vote. Everybody said so. And for reasons unspoken, Patterson wanted to be carried away by that story. Robert A. Pape, a well-credentialed connoisseur of political violence, watched the mob attack the Capitol on a television at home on January 6. Back in June , Pape had been a postdoctoral fellow in political science when the late president of Serbia delivered a notorious speech.
By the time Trump unleashed the angry crowd on Congress, Pape, who is 61, had become a leading scholar on the intersection of warfare and politics. But this is what the modern term would be.
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